Dissertation Remarks and Synopsis
Note: The following remarks were delivered at my dissertation defense in October of 2004. The title of my dissertation is Camgirls: Webcams, LiveJournals and the Personal as Political in the age of the Global Brand. This manuscript will be published as part of Peter Lang's Digital Formation series (Steve Jones, ed.) in 2005. For review copies of the book, please contact the author via email at email@example.com
asked to give some introductory remarks at the start of this defense, covering
the following questions:
1. How I came to my topic.
2. What I tried to do.
3. What I contributed to the field.
4. Where I want to go from here.
I will take these in order...
Although I've been online since the early 1990's, my first experience looking at a camgirl occurred when a reviewer described my writing as “"hopelessly pedestrian"” and mentioned the JenniCam in the same paragraph. This was in 1998, when Jennifer Ringley was making appearances on shows like Late Night with David Letterman. To be honest, I passed judgment on the site long before having seen it. Given all the purported possibilities for women to refashion the meaning of gender in cyberspace, the idea of woman positioning herself 24/7 as an object of male fascination struck me as retrograde in the extreme.
I typed the URL to the JenniCam, clicked my mouse, and waited, while my computer displayed a webcammed image of a living room, refreshing every few minutes. Jennifer wasn't even home. The whole thing seemed an exercise in absence, a sort of endless expectation that something might happen. I suppose it was then that I began to realize what made webcamming fundamentally different from online bulletin boards: its promise of liveness, no matter how dull or pointless.
Waiting for the webcam to display something besides her empty couch, I found myself idly surfing through the JenniCam's archived photos and online journals. I discovered that when I matched date and time stamps on the Jenny's past photos to her journal entries, I could get a narration of the images in front of me. Next, I discovered the places where viewers spoke to Jenny and to one another. I also realized that Jenny had links pointing to other sorts of camgirls, with other sorts of presentation styles. In time, Jenny herself did appear on screen. I watched her for about fifteen minutes, but soon found myself jumping back and forth between live shots, archived images and journals, and other people's writing linked all over the Web. The promise of liveness drew me to the JenniCam, but something else had kept me there.
In time, I realized that my earlier theorization of camgirls as Laura Mulvey's worst nightmare was off base. People “"shush"” others in the theatre because cinema is supposed to operate on a one-to-many model; hence Mulvey's argument that the film spectator's gaze resembles a voyeur's stare. Yet the camgirl sites I was visited allowed connections between past and present, as well as social possibilities hard to imagine in film, or even television. Camgirls and their viewers were, in a word, networked. After a few weeks of watching them, I came to the conclusion that camgirls might help feminists think through the question: what does it mean to speak of the personal as political in a network society?
The notion of network society has always been problematic for feminists. At one level, networks allow political affiliations among strangers who are at geographic distances (think, for instance, of MoveOn.org). At another level, networks enable the phenomenon known as globalization, with its exploitation of women's labor, and the feminization of work in general. Networks are also responsible existence of a publicity culture that simultaneously encourages women to “"represent"” through confession, celebrity and sexual display, yet punishes too much visibility with conservative censure and backlash.
I had originally thought mine would be a detached, critical study of camgirls, but the longer I watched them, the more this strategy struck me as disingenuous. The fact was, it was relatively easy for me to set up a webcam and LiveJournal and practice “"walking my talk"” in the communities I wanted to investigate. I'm glad I did. It is relatively easy to speak about camgirls as exemplars of the pleasures and dangers of publicity culture. However, it was only when I became camgirl myself that I understood that the “"impossibly intimate and necessarily distant"” nature of the camgirl replicates at the micro-level those I call “"feminism's forgotten cyborgs"”: migrant female laborers who work in front of our in-home cameras as maids, nannies, and elder-care givers; women virtually lionized in literature as ‘"mad" but shunned in everyday life as ‘"crazy"; and women virtualized through the language of exhibitionism and voyeurism because they happen to stand on brink of public and private space in our society.
I think my contributions to the field of feminist performance and media studies are best captured by four neologisisms:
1. The grab: It is common to hear camgirls discussed as "mediated voyeurism," a term that depends on cinematic gaze theory as its reference point. Yet I believe that rather than gazing, Web viewers to take in what they see in bits and pieces, out of sequence, re-making it according to their own desires, often recirculating it as their own. I suggest that rather than the cinematic gaze or even the televisual glance, the term “"grab"” (with all of its connections to temporality, embodiment, power and politics) more accurately describes the dynamics of Web spectatorship. Continuing in a psychoanalytic vein, “"grabbing"” represents not voyeurism, but rather commodity fetishism and its attendant belief that what matters is what can be owned, if even for a moment. I believe camgirls are interesting not because they seamlessly enable commodity fetishism, but because of their inevitable failure to please all consumers/viewers, all the time.
2. Micro-celebrity: There are few better examples of commodity fetishism than celebrities: human subjects designed to be consumed as branded objects. Camgirls replicate many of the tropes of celebrity, yet because of their limited fan base and the many-to-many nature of the Web communication, they are better understood in terms of what I call mico-celebrity. Traditional celebrity relies on distance and separation from one's spectators, but as Justin Hall's famous quip, “"In the future, everyone will be famous to fifteen people"” indicates, micro-celebrity depends on closeness and accountability.
3. Tele-ethicality: Our world of satellites, robotics and internet saturation makes it increasingly difficult to describe mediated presence in terms of choosing the “"virtual"” over the “"real”." We are now in an era Ken Goldberg would call “"telepistemological,"” marked not by free play and masquerade, but rather by a preoccupation with access, agency, authority, and authenticity. Yet telepistemology fosters a disturbing trend: many people seem to prefer compulsively clicking and surfing for “"proof," rather than taking direct action to help others in their mediated, networked environments. As a means to resist this trend, I suggest tele-ethicality: a decision to risk engagement in social contracts with people who may or may not be true, or even real, over one’'s networks. I believe tele-ethicality not only aids action in mediated environments, but helps understand us better the ways in which we virtualize others in our offline lives.
4. Networked reflective solidarity: When speaking about tele-ethicality, I am often asked about trust. I remain highly skeptical of a world in which trust is measured through Ebay reputation systems, writ large. Instead, I build on the work of Jodi Dean to introduce “"networked reflective solidarity"”: a commitment to use networks in order to seek out others who may not yet acknowledge themselves as connected to our communities. I see networked reflective solidarity as a three-fold operation. First, I believe that when it comes to political action (rather than theory or speculation), people rely less on experts than they do on the thoughts and needs of their “"friends." For my purposes, a LiveJournal “"friend" with whom one feels affinity is more significant than an in-the-flesh drinking buddy with whom one argues everyday. Second, I believe networked reflective solidarity only “"takes" among those who perceive themselves as part of a relational, rather than universal public. This is the reason why camp performance as political critique succeeds in specialized locales like bars, yet tends to fail in places like the Web. Third, misunderstanding, miscommunication and uncertainty are part and parcel of networked reflective solidarity. The commitment is not to eradicate these challenges, but rather to press on in spite of them.
Near the end of my dissertation, I make the argument that that the time has passed for asking what networks can do for feminism. Now it is time to ask what feminism can do within networks. I think the word “"do" is critical here. In order for the personal to truly be political and for reflective networked solidarity to have real meaning, we need stop being passive spectators and begin taking concrete actions to assist people in our networks. I’'m not convinced that local action is more necessary than action over a distance. Sometimes what’'s needed is my presence on a picket line. Other times what is needed is my money via PayPal.
With regard to my own
scholarship in this area, it will be interesting to see how I will need
to adjust my metaphorical notion of “"grabbing" to account
for a world in which communications technologies are increasingly smaller,
held closer to the body, and more mobile. Will grabbing move beyond metaphor
to actual fact? I am also curious to see how disciplines like psychology
and sociology will respond to what can only be an increase in instances
of micro-celebrity over the coming years. What sorts of things will the
next generation of Web users know about the nature of self-branding, image
circulation, and public accessibility that the generation before did not
know? While it seems natural to speak of technology and the future together,
I think a number of questions I’'ve raised in this dissertation could
stand a more nuanced historical treatment. For instance, I’'m very
interested in reading more deeply in the fields of philosophy and religion
in order to develop a “"genealogy of tele-ethicality "that
places my ideas in a continuum of historical thought on ethics. Finally,
I’'m very eager to continue “"walking the talk”"of
networked reflective solidarity, both in my continued participation on LiveJournal,
and in a new project where I solicit best practices from artists, activists,
educators and “"everyday people”"who have translated
interest in the welfare of others to concrete actions to help them, both
on the Web and off it.
Note: this is a ten-page chapter-by-chapter synopsis of a 300 page document. For a private reading copy of this dissertation in its entirety, please contact the author at firstname.lastname@example.org
Chapter One:The personal as political, in the age of the global brand.
I begin this book with an ending: camgirl Jennifer Ringley's "retirement" in January of 2004. I describe my project as a feminist ethnographic and critical study of camgirls: women who use webcams and online journals for autobiographical purposes. I define as "feminist" ethnography that foregrounds the issue of gender, noting that in addition to race, class, nationality, age and ability, the category of gender is today inseparable from cyberia: Arturo Escobar's term for networked processes permeating communications technologies, financial transactions, advertising, and media culture generally.  I explain that my work is one attempt to respond to political scientist Jodi Dean's challenge, "It's not that feminists are left out of cyberia; it's that cyberiaäseems left out of feminism!" I argue that camgirl communities provide an interesting case study for those of us asking: what does it mean for feminists to speak of the personal as political in network society?
Network society, I argue, constitutes a paradox for feminism: on one hand, new technologies of travel and information provide women opportunities for increased autonomy on one hand. On the other, these same technologies create and sustain the phenomenon known as "globalization" on the other. I identify three major challenges of globalization for feminists. The first two are a worldwide exploitation of female labor and a feminization of labor in general. The final challenge is the creation of a mediascape dominated by what Jodi Dean calls an "ideology of publicity," in which our most precious right becomes the "right to know." I posit camgirls as a particularly fruitful case study for feminists studying publicity culture, noting how camgirls combine theatrical authenticity, branding and celebrity in order to make names for themselves on the Web. Finally, after introducing the concept of camgirl "micro-celebrity, "I consider the global reach of this phenomenon by examining its demographic base and offering further avenues for research.
The second section of this chapter details my research methodology for this project, including my "TerriCam." I address the fact that many of the camgirls I studied in 2001 have since stopped webcamming, although they still tend to maintain their LiveJournals. I argue that the growing presence of both surveillance hardware and "social software" in our everyday lives has made network politics the stuff of the mainstream, rather than the subcultural fringe. In the final section, I describe how each chapter of this book tackles the following political challenges of network culture: the rise of political symbols, a radical uncertainty in the populace, a demand for translation of differences between interdependent parties, and a search for new ways to generate trust. I end by discussing what I call my "wager on ethical micro-politics" as a means for changing lives online and off.
Chapter Two:I'd rather be a camgirl, than a cyborg
Chapter Two begins with the question, "what does it mean to associate oneself, or be associated by others, with the symbol known as the camgirl?" This chapter has four sections. In the first, I explain how I came to be involved in this project, detailing how theories of gender performativity, sexual difference, and cyborg ontology have figured into my thinking. In the second part, I describe my first experiences viewing the JenniCam, and delineate at least five overlapping genres of camgirls: the life camgirl, the art camgirl, the porn camgirl, the house camgirl and the community camgirl.
In the third section, I consider current theorizations of the camgirl phenomenon as "mediated voyeurism." I suggest that rather than a voyeuristic gaze, the Web operates through an aesthetic of the "grab," allowing viewers to take what they see in bits and pieces, out of sequence, and to re-make it according to their own desires. I argue that from a feminist perspective, the camgirl is interesting not because she can be successfully grabbed by Web consumers as a self-branded "super cyborg," capable of resolving all contradictions about women in network society. Rather, she is interesting because sooner or later her gender-as-brand inevitably fails to deliver what I call the "ideology of commodity"ãthe belief that what matters, is what is owned. To demonstrate, I relate the story of Vera Little, who began webcamming as a way to work through psychological issues connected being an amputee, yet ultimately decided to change her webcam format once she found herself playing to a crowd she wasn't entirely comfortable around, even though members of this crowd were the ones willing to pay a subscription fee to see her on camera.
In the fourth and final section, I use testimony from my subjects to liken controversies over what a camgirl "is" to current debates over feminism. Rather than endlessly trying to re-brand camgirls (or feminism) each time challenges arise around these terms, I advocate thinking of about them through strategic essentialism: the risky act of claiming an identity or label for oneself, while concurrently acknowledging that all labels are inaccurate and/or incomplete in important ways. I end this chapter by suggesting that when considered through the parameters of strategic essentialism, camgirls appear structurally analogous to what one might call our "forgotten cyborgs": the maids, home companions, nannies, and prostitutes who comprise the "caring" service sectors of our global economy.
Chapter Three: From telepresence to tele-ethicality
In Chapter Three, I explore what it means to take the "risk of essence"in network society by taking a closer look at telepresence: the media-enabled feeling of "really being there" with someone else, over a physical distance.  This chapter has three sections. In the first, I discuss the ways in which I tried to limit my risks as a researcher by meeting many of my subjects live. The second and longest section combines extensive testimony from camgirls and viewers to demonstrate the various means by which telepresence affects its viewers on the Web. I frame my analysis through the work of Matthew Lombard and Teresa Ditton, who have identified four modalities of telepresence: realism (both perceptual and social); as social richness (through intimacy and immediacy), transportation (as in "you are there", "it is here" and "we are together"); immersion (as in sensory and participatory immersion) and social actor (as in identification with an image on screen, or identification with the technology as a sort of "second self.") 
The third section considers what Ken Goldberg calls "telepistemology"--the search for truth at a distance--in light of webcamming culture. I give the name, "ideology of epistemology" to the belief that if one gathers enough evidence, then "the truth [will be] out there," as they say on the X Files. I then argue that an obsessive relationship to telepistemology serves as a way to mask numbness in the face of real human suffering, delivered through our television and computer screens each day. As a means to combat this trend, I urge tele-ethicality: a decision to risk engagement in social contracts with people who may or may not be true, or even real, over one's networks. I then relate the story of Karen, a camgirl suffering from bipolarity who attempted suicide on her webcam and was subsequently made the target of an Internet parody. I end by giving the name "vilified cyborg" to women whom we virtualize in our daily lives by designating them "crazy."
Chapter Four:The public, the private and the pornographic.
My main objective is in Chapter Four is to translate current debates around camgirls, the private, the public and the pornographic into language that better reflects the fact that in network society, we all exist in an "x degree" connection to the global sex industry. Second, I want to evaluate the limits of feminist porn as counter-public camp critique in networked environments like the Web. The chapter begins by relating my time as a camgirl/expert on National Public Radio, where I was placed in the position of debating whether camgirls eroded privacy, the pubic sphere and ultimately, our sense of "real" relationships. Using the work of Michael Warner, name as the "ideology of the public" the belief that the circulation of texts works as an invisible hand, changing a public into the public, as in the phrase "public opinion." Turning to the work of Ella Shohat, I then argue that like the public, the private is neither a universal nor a natural phenomenon. It is rather a discursive space, governed by language and what Ella Shohat calls "relationality." To ground my claim, I demonstrate how feminist positions on privacy are rarely universal, but rather exist in relation to abortion protection, workplace surveillance and sexual harassment law in the United States.
In the second section of this chapter, I coin the term "pornographized cyborg" to refer to women who are frozen within Lauren Berlant our "intimate public sphere" as ipso facto, pornographic. I begin by explaining how pornographized cyborgs span history and transcend national borders. I then argue that it is imperative for feminists to translate discussions of privacy, publicity and pornography into language that acknowledges that in network society, nobody is "outside" economies of sex work. To demonstrate, I consider how social conservatives unwittingly collude with the two billion dollar per year Internet pornography industry by helping perpetuate the myth of the "free exhibitionist" on the Web.  I end this section by making visible three sorts of sex workers employed to service this myth at the "end of a credit card": live nude camgirls, working by the minute; freelancers at amateurs-for-pay sites; and porn-house workers.
In the third and longest section of this chapter, I turn to work of Nancy Fraser to consider camgirls who use webcammed pornography as a form of counter-public feminist critique. After explaining the genesis of this practice in feminist camp performance, I argue that unlike the avant-garde's "bad girls in good theatres, "women on the Web engage an arena where borders are difficult to locate, let alone transgress for political effect. Here, I adopt Douglas Holt's argument that postmodern branding is designed to absorb consumer resistance and creativity through a "dialectics of branding." I argue that camgirl resistance and creativity around pornography is likewise absorbed and morphed to match consumer desire. To demonstrate, I relate a "tale of two tampons, "in which both an anti-porn camgirl and a pro-porn camgirl found themselves caught up in market forces larger than their own desire to speak against, or be creative with pornography online.
I end this section by briefly considering the phenomenon of "cam whores": underage girls who utilize their sexuality by flirting on-camera for gifts from (mostly older, mostly male) admirers. I contest the popular notion of under-age webcammers are mere children, unable to understand the effects of the sexual politics with which they engage, However, I am also unwilling to cast them in terms of a feminist counter-public. Instead, I advocate a relational approach to the issue the considers cam whores in light of increased targeting of young girls as consumer markets, the transnational "Lolita economy"in which girls see themselves mirrored as objects of consumption, and the insights of older camgirls on the issue of broadcasting oneself at a young age.
I end by urging feminists to think about new modes of spectatorship and interaction in quasi-public space of the Web, one that transcends outmoded ideas of the public, the private and the pornographic. Using the work of William Davies and James Crabtree, I consider network society in terms of quasi-public space of the village with overlapping neighborhood. To demonstrate what I the sort of behavior I think is possible with this changed perception, I relate the story of a viewer named Ira, who wrote me after seeing me on my webcam and reading my online writing.
Chapter Five:From autobiography to solidarity
In Chapter Five, I take on the issue of trust in networks, focusing specifically on how we might balance on one hand, a desire for autobiographical expression, and on the other, and a lack of trust that our words are still relevant in the time of talk show culture, or safe among strangers. I begin with a discussion of how some of us have come to trust our webcams as what Sherry Turkle calls "evocative objects": objects we use to think about ourselves. To demonstrate, I discuss how interactive autobiographers on the Web have incorporated camgirl aesthetics into their self-presentation by way of "snapshot writing," digital photography, and social networking technologies. In the second part of this chapter, I turn my attention what I call the "feminist koan" of interactive autobiography. I am particularly interested in understanding how LiveJournal members balance autobiography and "identity by community" in the space of their journals through filtering software. Next, I consider the rise of online reputation system as a means to manage social networking online. Here, I focus specifically on efforts to delimit the deliberately open-ended category of LiveJournal "friend"(discussed at length in the last chapter) through hierarchies such as "people I read," "people I know in real life," and so forth. I argue that because reputation relies on a spherical model of relationality (as in the phrase, "sphere of influence"), it is an insufficient vehicle for those of us seeking progressive politics in network space. Moreover, I object to reputation as an example of what I call the ideology of social capital: the belief that human relations in a network can be quantified, managed, controlled, and hoarded as if they were material goods.
The third section of this chapter addresses the characterization of certain sorts of blogs as "political" and LiveJournals as "personal," engaging little more than narcissism and celebrity. I begin by charting how narcissism has shifted meaning, from Greek mythology to psychoanalytic pathology to cultural criticism, as in the phrase "culture of narcissism." Next, I explain how narcissism figures into the Frankfurt school debate on celebrities versus heroes. Finally, I argue that Web communities work on the principle of micro-celebrity, which demands that connection with, rather than narcissistic separation from viewers. I then explain how an 2002 FBI investigation of a woman named ArtVamp served as a means for what Jodi Dean calls "reflective solidarity" among LiveJournal users.
In the final section of this chapter, I consider what I call the "Web subalterns":those who cannot access the Web due to poverty, location, safety or censure concerns. Building on Dean's work, I develop the term "networked reflective solidarity" to refer to a commitment to use our networks to extend solidarity to those who do not yet recognize themselves as part of our communities. I describe what I see as three conditions necessary for networked reflective solidarity: a reliance on "friends" rather than experts, a commitment to a relational (rather than universal) understanding of networks, and a reasonable level of comfort with the fact that messages often become unclear as they pass between sender and receiver.
Conclusion:From "Sisters" to Sisters
I began this project by asking what it meant for feminists to speak of the personal as political in the age of the global brand. The argument of this book has been that most of our ideas about the personal and the political in network society derive from a series of beliefs about the world we mistakenly take for granted as "common sense." These beliefs include, but are not limited to: the ideology of publicity (the belief that what matters, is what is known); the ideology of commodity (the belief that what matters, can be owned); the ideology of epistemology (the belief that what matters, can be proven); the ideology of the public (the belief that an aggregate of private views creates an entity known as public opinion); and finally, the ideology of social capital (the belief that social relations can be quantified.) I explain that one objective of this book has been to use the figure of the camgirl to demonstrate each of these ideologies. As an ancillary project, I wanted to discuss elements of cyborg culture that feminists seem to have forgotten since Donna Haraway's famous essay in 1984. I have described these women as "forgotten", "vilified" and "pornographized" cyborgs.
In order to move beyond the microcosm of camgirls, I relate the story of two mass media scandalsãNBC's refusal to air MoveOn.org's anti-Bush advertisement during the Super Bowl, and Janet Jackson's "wardrobe malfunction" during that same eventãin order to demonstrate the larger implications of this book's arguments regarding celebrity, micro-celebrity, voyeurism, commodity fetishism, branding, telepresence, the public sphere, privacy, pornography, ethics, reputation and solidarity. I end this book by modifying the work of educational theorist Michael Apple to make five recommendations for feminists seeking to make the personal political in the time of the global media: emphasize the cultural, respect the locals and the strangers, think heretically, take action (however small), and seek solidarity with friends and "friends."
 Arturo Escobar, "Welcome to Cyberia: Notes on the Anthropology of Cyberculture," in Cyberfutures: Culture and Politics on the Information Superhighway, ed. Ziauddin Sardar and Jerome R. Ravetz (New York: New York University Press, 1996).
 Jodi Dean, "Feminism in Technoculture." Keynote Address: Feminist Millennium Conference, University of Bergen, Norway, April 27-29, 2000. Online at http://people.hws.edu/dean/fem_tech.html (viewed 6 January 2004)
 Jodi Dean, Publicity's Secret : How Technoculture Capitalizes on Democracy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2002).
 See Clay Calvert, Voyeur Nation : Media, Privacy, and Peering in Modern Culture, Critical Studies in Communication and in Cultural Industries (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 2000).
 See Gayatri Chakravorty and Ellen Rooney Spivak, "In a Word: Interview," differences 1, no. 2 (1989).
 Matthew Lombard and Teresa Ditton, "At the Heart of It All: The Concept of Telepresence," Journal of Computer Mediated Communications 3, no. 2 (1997).
 Ken Goldberg, The Robot in the Garden: Telerobotics and Telepistemology in the Age of the Internet (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000).
 Michael Warner, Publics and Counterpublics (New York, Cambridge, Mass.: Zone Books ; Distributed by MIT Press, 2002).
 Ella 1959- Shohat, "Area Studies, Gender Studies, and the Cartographies of Knowledge," Social Text 20, no. 3 (2002).
 Lauren Gail Berlant, The Queen of America Goes to Washington City : Essays on Sex and Citizenship, Series Q. (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997).
 See John Schwartz, "New Economy: Even in Downturn, Sex Still Sells." New York Times, April 9, 2001. Online at http://www.nytimes.com/2001/04/09/technology/09NECO.html
 Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy,"" in Habermas an D the Public Sphere, ed. Craig J Calhoun (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1992).
 Douglas B Holt, "Why Do Brands Cause Trouble? A Dialectical Theory of Consumer Culture and Branding," Journal of Consumer Research 29, no. 1 (2002).
 William and Crabtree Davies, James, "Invisible Villages: Technolocalism and Community Renewal," Renewal: a journal of Labour politics 12, no. 1 (2004).
 See Sherry Turkle, The Second Self : Computers and the Human Spirit (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984).
 See Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment (New York: Continuum, 1999).
 Michael W. Apple, "Interrupting the Right: On Doing Critical Educational Work in Conservative Times," Symploke 10, no. 1-2 (2002).
Works cited in this synopsis
Apple, Michael W. "Interrupting the Right: On Doing Critical Educational Work in Conservative Times." Symploke 10, no. 1-2 (2002): 133-52.
Berlant, Lauren Gail. The Queen of America Goes to Washington City : Essays on Sex and Citizenship, Series Q. Durham: Duke University Press, 1997.
Calvert, Clay. Voyeur Nation : Media, Privacy, and Peering in Modern Culture, Critical Studies in Communication and in Cultural Industries. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 2000.
Davies, William and Crabtree, James. "Invisible Villages: Technolocalism and Community Renewal." Renewal: a journal of Labour politics 12, no. 1 (2004).
Dean, Jodi. Publicity's Secret : How Technoculture Capitalizes on Democracy. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2002.
Ditton, Matthew Lombard and Teresa. "At the Heart of It All: The Concept of Telepresence." Journal of Computer Mediated Communications 3, no. 2 (1997).
Fraser, Nancy. "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy,"." In Habermas an D the Public Sphere, edited by Craig J Calhoun. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1992.
Goldberg, Ken. The Robot in the Garden: Telerobotics and Telepistemology in the Age of the Internet. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.
Holt, Douglas B. "Why Do Brands Cause Trouble? A Dialectical Theory of Consumer Culture and Branding." Journal of Consumer Research 29, no. 1 (2002): 70-91.
Horkheimer, Max, and Theodor W. Adorno. Dialectic of Enlightenment. New York: Continuum, 1999.
Shohat, Ella 1959-. "Area Studies, Gender Studies, and the Cartographies of Knowledge." Social Text 20, no. 3 (2002): 67-78.
Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty and Ellen Rooney. "In a Word: Interview." differences 1, no. 2 (1989): 124-56.
Turkle, Sherry. The Second Self : Computers and the Human Spirit. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984.
Warner, Michael. Publics and Counterpublics. New York, Cambridge, Mass.: Zone Books ; Distributed by MIT Press, 2002.